Research Paper on Voting

How to Fight Voter Apathy among Young People

In general voting is very much tied to age, education, social status and income of people. Those factors are crucial while exploring reasons and solutions in age segments that do not participate or just ignore votes.

Apathy among voters aged 18-24 is a problem that is relevant for already many years. There can be a list of reasons because of which young people ignore this event. I would like investigate into them and try to propose solutions for all of them.

 

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1. Young people are already fed up with politics.
2. They think that their vote will make no difference.
3. No representatives in parties.
4. Young people are hard to mobilize; they are too busy to participate (studying, building career).
5. Instability in young people lives.
6. Technical matters (registration process can be just too complicated).
7. Political campaigns are negative.

Starting with the first reason, I would like to emphasize that this one is critical and it is difficult to fight it, but positive mass media reports and less saturated popularization of political parties and politics in general can work.

Then, providing youth with statistical data with bright examples where one vote decided the result of the elections can be effective. It can be also commercial that is not related directly to politics, but with the same idea where each single voice or effort matters and is crucial for the outcome.

Parties should create separate youth related departments, which would specially be engaged with youth problems and where young people could receive a feedback for their worries or simply questions. Parties can also adjust their political campaigns to young people needs, accept more young people of this age group to their parties to show that they are open for cooperation and they really care. Making special concerts, attracting celebrities will definitely be effective, but still there are no warranties that people in the day of elections will definitely come and vote.

Government can make the Day of Elections a holiday or promote a legal act in which will be stated that students or working people can freely participate in elections and allot special time for this. It can also simplify the registration process and make it more convenient.

Franklin defined the main reason for the apathy as instability in young people lives. This question is very deep and touches the whole legal, social, economical and financial support of young people aged 18-24. This should be decided not only when politicians want people to vote. Youth should feel constant support from the side of the government in all stated spheres and probably only then they will one day wake up in the morning, watch the calendar, realize that this is the day of elections and say to themselves: “I love my country and I feel that it takes care of me. I want my country to prosper and that is why I will go now and choose leaders who have the same views as I do.”

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Research Paper on Government

Current government in Germany

It goes without saying that the institutional structure of the German polity was and is an important reason for the lack of reforms everybody seems to complain about in Germany for quite some time. The high number of veto-players whose consent is necessary in order to embark on structural reforms makes it very risky and difficult to venture “bold policy change. (Cohn, 2006) However, to explain the shortcomings of the German government by exclusively pointing to the institutional structure has two flaws: it neglects the fact that the first Schroder cabinet initiated some far-reaching changes between 1998 and 2002 and it plays down the relevance of political programs.

The red-green government can at best partly blame the institutional features of the German polity for its policy failures. Rather, it was the logic of coalition government, party competition as well as the lack of a clear agenda in a number of most important policy areas that defined the performance of the first red-green government. In this perspective it fits very nicely that the red-green coalition made far-reaching decisions in those policy areas for which it had a comparatively clear and well-developed agenda. (Henderson, 2005)

 

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An analysis of the red-green government has to take these aspects into account. It has to address the questions whether parties and party programs mattered and whether there was a causal nexus between the performance of the last government and the institutional structure of the political system. The aim of this paper is, hence, twofold. First, I will analyze and compare a limited number of policy areas. The outputs in these policy areas were shaped by the logic of party competition and by programmatic platforms rather than by institutional constraints. Second, I will examine whether the institutional structure defined the sort of gridlock that prevented “bold policy change” between 1998 and 2002. (Cohn, 2006)

In those areas that voters conceived as most important in the two last federal elections, the red-green coalition performed poorly. It failed to reduce unemployment substantially and to address the most pressing problems and challenges in social and economic policy. At the end of the term Germany had one of the highest rates of unemployment in Europe and its growth rates tailed most other industrialized nations. Furthermore, in 2002 Germany even violated the criteria of the European Stability and Growth Pact.

However, as just mentioned, the red-green government had in fact initiated some reforms. Among the most prominent are surely the decisions in foreign affairs, for example, about the deployment of troops to Kosovo and the military support for the United States after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Also remarkable were the tax reform, the introduction of an eco tax, increased child benefits, a reform of old-age-protection, the new Industrial Constitution Law (Betriebsver-fassungsgesetz), the new bill on Same Sex Partnership, the reform of the German Law on Citizenship law, and the phasing out of nuclear power plants. (Leadbeater, 2005)

It goes without saying that in many cases these reforms had less effect than previously assumed, and very often they fell short of former promises. Nevertheless, what they at least demand is a closer look in order to substantiate or refute this overall impression of total policy failure of the first red-green government. It is, of course, impossible to present an encompassing and detailed picture of the different policy areas. The following comparison must be selective. It has the goal of making clear the relevance of coalition-government and of programmatic aspects in decision-making for the output of the last government (Schiller, 2005).

The Alliance for Jobs, Training and Competitiveness clearly is part of what has become known as “Old Politics,” which means “preoccupation with economic growth, stable prices, a stable economy, strong military defense and conventional political style.” (Schiller, 2005) “Old Politics” roots in the classical cleavage structure especially between capital and labor as defined by Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan in their path-breaking study about party systems. (Schiller, 2005) “New politics” is, on the other hand, symbolized by the red-green’s ecological policy. “Adherents of the new politics ... demand that ecological imperatives guide economic decisions, that rights to participation and the freedom to realize alternative lifestyles should be extended, and unilateral disarmament be promoted in order to reduce international tensions.” (Cohn, 2006)

New politics has its basis in postmaterialist values and attitudes that have led to social movements and to Green parties in many West European countries. However, what remains difficult to classify is Germany’s foreign policy. Even though many aspects of Germany’s foreign policy seem to belong to new rather than to old politics, Schroder’s security policy in particular was very much shaped and influenced by traditional concepts of “national interests” and a “realist” perspective on international relations. Hence, Germany’s foreign and security policy of the last four years has been a mixture of “new” and “old” politics. (Schiller, 2005)

The three policy areas in question differ significantly in their outputs and in their programmatic platforms. What these three examples have in common, however, is the fact that the institutional structures that very often are regarded as the prime constraints for “bold policy change” only had supportive roles as veto players. Neither cooperative federalism nor judicial review hampered the red-green coalition in a decisive manner in the three selected areas.

At the beginning of the term, the Alliance for Jobs Training and Competitiveness was supposed to be a cornerstone and a major part of the red-green government between 1998 and 2002. In the framework for the Alliance for Jobs, different policies were to be discussed, new ideas developed, and compromises found. The agenda of the alliance reflected these ambitious goals. Already at the first meeting in December 1998, a dozen primary topics were put on its agenda; in later meetings, a few others were added to this list (such as immigration, enlargement of the European Union, women’s issues, and the labor market). However, it soon turned out that the Alliance for Jobs was not the arena in which opposition to the reform of the labor market and the modernization of the economy could be overcome. The alliance also failed to develop new concepts. This was due to a lack of efficient means and competencies, structural deficiencies, and an ambiguous programmatic foundation.

The Alliance for Jobs never possessed the means or the competency to fulfill the aforementioned goals. Even the most important success, the Consensus on Training from June 6, 1999 that included the guarantee that “every young person who is willing and able will be trained” (Henderson, 2005) could only be realized through state support, and temporarily at that. But this institution could not enforce decisions or force compliance on the part of the actors involved in compromises found in the framework of the Alliance for Jobs. In addition, many of the topics agreed upon at the first meeting required parliamentary approval. In these cases, the alliance was more or less just informed, but as an institution it had hardly any influence on the decisions about tax reform, immigration, the reform of codetermination, or the pension scheme. In a nutshell, the Alliance for Jobs neither had the competence for effective decision making nor the agreement’s necessarily lasting and positive effects.

Structurally, the Alliance for Jobs depended on the willingness and the capacities of the parties involved committing themselves to the compromises found in these meetings. However, as it turned out, there were not only conflicts between trade unions and employer organizations, but also among members of these two groups. Neither all employer organizations nor all trade unions supported this institution without reservation. (Leadbeater, 2005) These conflicting attitudes partly reflected organizational traditions, interests, and problems that on the whole might indicate that the interest group system partly has lost its capacity to function as a “node” in the German policy network. Finally, the Alliance for Jobs was based on an ambiguous programmatic foundation. With the Alliance for Jobs, Gerhard Schroder tried to appeal to both the traditionalists and the modernizers in his party. While the form (tripartite institutionalized talks) seemed to fit perfectly well with the social democratic tradition, the main goal was nevertheless to modernize the economy on neo-liberal terms.

In contrast to the labor market policy and the Alliance for Jobs, the ecological policy of the first red-green government has been characterized as one of the “few success stories” of the red-green government. (Schiller, 2005) In fact, even though some might regard this as an exaggeration, the red-green government has at least partly fulfilled promises made during the election campaign and the coalition agreement. According to Kern/Koenen, several decisions constituted a radical change in this policy field: the phasing out of nuclear energy and the introduction of eco-taxes, while others were mostly failures. (Schiller, 2005)

With the phasing out of the nuclear energy, the Greens fulfilled a longstanding demand and a promise the party gave during the election campaign. It should be remembered that in the 1980s some social scientists claimed that this kind of decision was impossible, that there could be no reversal as far as nuclear power plants were concerned, and that this would be a good enough reason to deny the political majority the right to build nuclear power plants in the first place. (Cohn, 2006) Even though in an international comparison the decision looks less far reaching, in Germany the phasing-out of nuclear power plants surely was important for the Greens. It was based on an agreement between the government and the electric companies from June 2001. The bill approved by the cabinet in September 2001 put this agreement into practice. The Bundestag finally adopted the bill in January 2002.

An approval of the Bundesrat was not necessary. The basic points of this policy change were that no new power plants would receive a permit and that the existing power plants would be shut down by about 2020 (if certain conditions were fulfilled). Even though this can be regarded as a sort of “bold policy change,” since it brings to a close an industry that was held to last forever, the final decision has been watered down, especially by the SPD. The longterm perspective especially and the possibility to shift nuclear power sources from one plant to another, which gives reason to believe that the last plant will exist far longer than assumed, originate in pressures from the SPD. (Schiller, 2005)

Similarly, the decision about the introduction of an eco-tax rate was regarded as part of the ecological modernization of the German economy. The basic idea was to make certain resources more expensive (especially fossil fuels and electricity) and to finance the pension fund with these taxes in order to reduce or limit the contributions of the employees and the employers to this branch of the social security system. (Schiller, 2005) All in all, this reform was to save energy, reduce pollution, and restructure the German economy. In addition, the funding of the pension fund by taxes tends to transform the social insurance system towards a more liberal, tax-based model.

Again, even though the increases seemed modest, they symbolized a reorientation in the energy policy. But these measures were discussed controversially in the government and between the coalition partners as well. Due to the lobbying of different industries, some significant exceptions were included in the bill (especially for industries that consume non-renewable energy sources on a large scale, such as the coal industry). Schroder, the famous “car man,” opposed more far-reaching changes. Thus, it was again the Greens who had to make substantial concessions. (Henderson, 2005)

Neither the Greens nor the SPD had a clearly defined agenda in foreign policy when taking office in 1998. The election campaign in 1998 was dominated by domestic issues, and neither the SPD nor the Green party had a program to deal with upcoming questions concerning international politics. Schroder was a known euroskeptic, and Joschka Fischer, the future foreign minister, delivered only vague messages about foreign policy during the campaign. Nevertheless, it was probably in this area that the red-green government made the most important decisions that resulted in a “paradigm shift” in Germany’s foreign policy. (Leadbeater, 2005)

These changes contrast with the rather vague and unspecific program. And it fits perfectly well with this image that the new government had to make its first far-reaching decision in this field even before it officially took office on October 27, 1998. On October 12, 1998, the old and the new government had jointly to decide, on the request of the Clinton administration “within fifteen minutes,” whether Germany would participate in military actions in Yugoslavia, even if there would be no mandate from the United Nations. (Schiller, 2005) Whatever the hopes and fears of the SPD and the Greens might have been at that time, the decision to play an active role in this military strategy and the famous Vorratsbeschluss by the old Bundestag on October 16, 1998 was the beginning of a new era in Germany’s foreign and security policy.

For the first time since 1949, Germany had decided to participate in a military action that was motivated by political aims and not for reasons of self-defense. (Schiller, 2005) Even though this decision did not come out of the blue, it surely marks a break in German postwar foreign policy. It was followed by other changes that no one would have conceived as possible a mere few years earlier. In April 1999 the Federal Government accepted the New Strategic Concept of the NATO that gave the alliance the right for out-of-area interventions. This new strategy, which many thought could transform the alliance into an interventionist institution, had to have ramifications for the German army.

The former exclusive orientation towards self-defense no longer fit with the new concept. As a consequence, the (German army also had to be restructured in order to comply with these new parameters. The strains that put these changes on the coalition and the ruling parties became more apparent when the government failed to muster its own majority for its decision to deploy troops to Macedonia in August 2001. Only 267 members of the SPD and 38 from the Greens voted in favor of Germany’s participation in this UN mission. (Cohn, 2006) The events took an even more dramatic turn for the decision regarding the participation of Germany in the war on Afghanistan when the chancellor linked this decision with a vote of confidence in order to secure a majority for the motion of the government. This, of course, raised the stakes, because a defeat for the government in this decision would have meant the end of the coalition, the dissolution of parliament, and eventually new elections.

Once again, neither the Bundesrat nor the Federal Constitutional Court, which rejected the PDS complaint against the New NATO Strategy, put any restraints on the government in foreign policy. Traditionally an area where the executive had to have more prerogatives for action, foreign policy experienced a major shift in this period. In addition, foreign policy was driven by external developments rather than shaped by a clear and well-defined agenda.

Some important positions even were developed on a sort of ad hoc basis. The refusal of Gerhard Schroder to support the United States in a war against Iraq, even if there were a UN Security Council resolution, was clearly very new. Similarly, Schroder not only showed an ahistorical approach to foreign policy, and it sure was not pure chance that he emphasized a new “German way.” But nevertheless, all this demonstrates that, in this policy field as well, important changes were possible that might even challenge the qualification of Germany as a semi-sovereign and “tamed” power.” (Henderson, 2005)

The tax reform, very much opposed by the FDP and the CDU in the Bundestag, found the support of Berlin, Bremen, Brandenburg, and Rhineland Palatinate in the Bundesrat, all states in which either the CDU or the FDP participated in the government. (51) Sabine Kropp reports that these governments were promised “considerable financial resources to improve their infrastructure” (Leadbeater, 2005) in exchange for their approval. Similar negotiations took place when the government tried to privatize parts of the pension insurance. Again, the mixed governments in Bremen, Berlin, Brandenburg, and Rhineland Palatinate were targets for package deals. For their approval, they were promised different side-payments. The SPD/PDS coalition in Mecklenburg West Pomerania was even at the brink of breaking up over this decision, because Harald Ringstorff, the state’s minister president, had cast his votes in favor of the bill, while the coalition originally had agreed to abstain. (Leadbeater, 2005)

Even if one admits that the performance of the first red-green government was comparatively weak, it can hardly be denied that some changes occurred, and it can well be argued that in foreign policy a “paradigm shift” took place. (Cohn, 2006) Maybe these changes were not enough to deal with the social and economic problems and challenges the government faced between 1998 and 2002, especially in terms of the domestic agenda. But it should be noted that up until very recently, few would have thought it possible that Germany could phase-out nuclear energy plants or participate in military actions without a UN mandate outside of German territory. It is only fitting with these changes that, at the end of his first term, Chancellor Schroder defied a decision of the United States for the first time since 1949 and that he did this by mobilizing nationalist sentiments.

Whether one approves of these changes or not, they were not (or only marginally) restrained by the often-quoted institutional structures. The three policy fields examined in more detail show that other aspects were more important. Ecological and foreign policies were limited by the constraints of coalition government. But, in both policy areas, Schroder could also demonstrate that the German chancellor democracy provided him with some influential means to put through his policies, especially when the smaller party had no strategic option.

The poor performance of the Alliance for Jobs was due to the fact that the government had no clear concept for solving the problems of the labor market. Thus, all in all, Habermas’s skepticism regarding the performance of the red-green government was justified. Even though the last red-green government could claim to have embarked on some reforms (and in some areas it even was able to make some important changes), it was never able to define the content of its ecological and social modernization. In short, it lacked an overall project and a long-term perspective, which is necessary to make a difference.

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Research Proposal Samples: Pros and Cons

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Research Paper on Printing Industry

Printing in the Gulf Arab States

Research questions 

Historically, the Gulf Arab states were characterized by their uniqueness and difference from other civilizations that developed in the neighboring regions. The development of the Gulf Arab states was considerably affected by the peculiarities of the local culture, traditions and customs as well as by the national politics and economic development. At the same time, it is worthy of mention that the uniqueness of the region was, to a significant extent determined by its position since the Persian Gulf was always a strategically important region which played a significant role in politics and economy of the entire continent since, traditionally, this region is viewed as a bridge between Western and Eastern civilizations.

 

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Naturally, such a situation could not affect the development of the Gulf Arab states and nowadays it is obvious that they are dramatically affected by their historical heritage and their culture and traditions still play a very important role in practically all spheres of life. No wonder that the national economies as well as politics are also influenced by these socio-cultural peculiarities of the region. Moreover, it is even possible to estimate that all branches and industries of the national economies are also influenced by the national traditions and peculiarities.

In such a situation, on analyzing the development of printing in the Gulf Arab states, it would be logical to wonder whether these peculiarities and uniqueness of the region affected printing or probably this industry develops absolutely independently. In such a context another question arises whether the local printing is affected by the Western ideology and trends since, it is not a secret that in the result of the process of globalization, the world gradually becomes more and more westernized. Furthermore, it is also necessary to clearly define the extent to which the local culture, especially religion, does really affect printing.

At the same time, it is also important to analyze the current relationship between companies and printing industry at large and the state since historically, the role of the state was very significant in the Gulf Arab states and even nowadays there exist countries where the monarch may define the development of the entire country as well as certain industries, according to his will, while there are also undemocratic regimes which may be characterized as authoritarian or even totalitarian like the former-regime in Iraq created by Saddam Hussein, since these regimes also tend to the establishment of the total control over printing industries and companies operating in this field.

Also, the problem of the authorship needs to be discussed since the printing industry had actually some material to print. In this respect, it is necessary to define the role of the local producers, or authors, in the printing industry, especially in comparison to foreign sources of printing material.

Finally, it is necessary to define the perspectives of the development of printing in the Gulf Arab states since it is obvious that this industry cannot remain unchanged in the modern world not only because of the process of globalization but also under the impact of the rapid development of new technologies, especially IT, which may affect dramatically the development of printing industry.

Literature review 
On analyzing the literature focused on the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states and the problems of its development, it is primarily necessary to point out that the specialists working in this field are basically quite optimistic in their assessment of the industry and its perspectives in the Gulf Arab states. First of all, it should be said that specialists1 underline that the development of printing is a natural process and it may be particularly successful in the Gulf Arab states which historically were conservative and perceived printing as the major source of information. In fact, it should be said that printing has been the mainstream media in the Gulf Arab states and nowadays its position is still quite strong.

At the same time, it is necessary to underline that printing was quite popular in the Gulf Arab states and its popularity grew proportionally to the need of population in the acquisition of the broader knowledge as well as it served as an effective medium of spreading the ideology typical for this region at large and for each state in particular. In this respect, it should be said that printing industry may be viewed as a mirror reflecting all the changes in the political and socio-economic life of the Gulf Arab states. In fact, the printing media and industry were always under the control of or, at least, could be influenced by the state2. This means that the printing industry had to serve to the interests of the ruling elite and its policy and the information delivered to customers was often biased.

It is possible to draw the example of Iraq under the rule of Saddam Hussein when the entire printing industry was just a part of the great machine totally controlled by the state and this machine may be called propaganda. It is a well-known fact that the epoch of Saddam Hussein was the epoch of the severe dictatorship when the basic civil rights and liberties were oppressed and many people were simply repressed because of their beliefs. In such a situation, it is hardly possible to underestimate the role of printing industry and print media in the creation and promotion of such a regime because, to a significant extent, it is due to the printing industry, the population of Iraq was simply bombarded, figuratively speaking, with the ideology promoting the regime of Saddam Hussein as the only one that is really acceptable to Iraqi population and, what is more, which is the only one that can bring Iraqi people prosperity and better life3.

Naturally, such a pressure on printing industry and print media is unacceptable to western countries but in the Gulf region such a situation is not rare. This is why many specialists4 stress the fact that the role of the state in the control over the printing industry is often quite substantial and, historically, the freedom of print media was substantially limited by the state that actually created numerous obstacles to the development of the democracy in the region and deteriorates the position of the local population. Moreover, this also contributes to certain economic backwardness of the Gulf Arab states in the result of the oppression of basic civil rights and liberties and the lack of democracy in these states because this inevitably leads to the deterioration of the economic situation. Obviously, in such conditions the economy cannot develop normally, from the western point of view, since this prevents the countries from the effective implementation of the open market economy. The latter naturally prevents the development of a really competitive environment but, instead, the protectionist policy may be crucial for the commercial success in the Gulf Arab states. In such a situation, the printing industry is also affected dramatically since the printing industry is also dependent on the policy of the state and, therefore, susceptible to protectionist trends that means the lack of competition and lower quality of production5.

At the same time, it is also necessary to underline that the regular interference of state into the development and functioning of the printing industry also prevents the companies operating in the market of the Gulf Arab states from the real freedom in their production since they cannot always create products that are popular in other countries or that could be potentially popular in the local market but, instead, they are traditionally, forced to take into consideration the position of state, at least, many specialists underline that this trend was traditionally strong in the Gulf Arab states6.

On the other hand, it is necessary to remember about the local cultural traditions and religious beliefs which may also affect the printing industry dramatically. Specialists estimate that, historically, the development of the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states was influenced by the local traditions, religious beliefs and even the position of religious leaders of the countries7. It should be said that the peculiarity of the local culture and deep-rooted Islamist views which dominates in the region also considerably limits the liberty of the printing industry and print media in the Gulf. To put it more precisely, any criticism of the religious views of the local population or local leaders, any efforts to represent the dominant religion of the region and its cultural position from a multicultural point of view or from a critical point of view traditionally came across a strong opposition from the local religious institutions and specialists in theology. Obviously, such a situation did not stimulated the development of the diversity within the printing industry that often led to the high level of subjectivity of print media and print products created in the Gulf Arab states8.

No wonder, that some specialists argue that the local printing industry was traditionally characterized by the high level of isolationism9. This means that the isolationism or, in fact, it was rather an imposed isolation of the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states, was a naturally consequence of the uniqueness of these countries and their trend to distant from the international integration. The efforts to preserve local culture and traditions made these countries quite rigid and sometimes hostile to innovations and acceptance of new ideas10. As a result, the local printing industry became a kind of hostage since, as a rule, the local companies could not freely issue the products they could create or that were popular in other countries but which were strange to the local culture and traditions.

At the same time, it is worthy of mention that print media were traditionally perceived as the mainstream media because of the existing biases in relation to visual media and certain technological backwardness of the Gulf Arab states that prevented them from the rapid implementation of the newest technologies and new media while printing remained stable and popular media11.

Methodology
Obviously, the analysis of the current situation in the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states, should be based on the effective methods of the research that could help better understand the essence of the current processes and major trends that take place in the printing industry of these states at the moment. Taking into consideration the fact that practically all these countries are quite conservative, they often remain under-researched by western specialists while the local specialists are often believed to be subjective. This is why in the current research it will be necessary to rely not only on the studies conducted by the local specialists but also on the studies conducted by foreign specialists. This means that it is primarily necessary to pay a particular attention to the existing literature resources dedicated to the problem of the development of the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states and its perspectives, which were created by the local specialists as well as by foreign ones.

In fact, such analysis is essential in order to get more information concerning the printing industry in the region. At the same time it will apparently help analyze different positions and points of view. The latter is particularly important when a researcher deals with the countries characterized by isolationist policy or which have preserved the unique national culture and traditions and are not susceptible to the external influences that makes these countries absolutely different from the rest of the world. Moreover, this also may contribute to the existence of totally different positions within the Gulf Arab states and in other countries of the world. What is meant here is the fact that the position of the local specialists may be highly biased or simply different because of the difference in their perception of the surrounding reality. To put it more precisely, the local specialists may simply reject the western philosophy, for instance, just because it is strange to them and, therefore some of its ideas or viewpoints may be unacceptable for the local population including local researchers. On the other hand, western specialists, for instance, may simply misunderstand the specificity of the local culture, traditions, and economy. As a result, they will be practically unable to analyze the situation from the point of view of the local population but, instead, they will attempt to project their standards and philosophy on the local economy at large and the printing industry in particular without taking into consideration objective local peculiarities that are perceived as a norm in the Gulf Arab states.

However, the analysis of the literature sources solely is insufficient for the objective assessment of the current situation in the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states and development some forecast concerning its perspectives. In this respect, it seems to obvious that it is necessary to implement the analysis of the statistical information concerning the situation in the printing industry in the region which may be found in official reports and statistics. At the same time, it will help better understand the dynamic of the development of the local printing industry and, therefore, it will be easier to assess its perspectives in the future. In such a way, it is necessary to combine the existing researches and studies of the printing industry as well as the general socio-economic situation in the Gulf Arab states with the analysis of the statistical information related to the issues concerned. As a result, it will be possible to analyze in depth the current situation and forecast the perspectives of the development of the printing industry in the future.

Findings 
Basically, the analysis of the current situation in the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states have revealed the fact that some pessimistic forecasts concerning the high level of the interference of state and religious institutions in the functioning of the printing industry and print media in the region is not really true to life. It is necessary to underline that at the present moment many state of the region attempt to promote the development of the printing industry and stimulate the increasing quality of its products as well as the quality of print media at large. It should be said that nowadays the question of quality is really important and it has overshadowed the question of quantity that was relevant in the past when the printing industry was used as the tool of the propaganda.

However, it is worthy of mention that the situation may differ depending on the country and in some countries the pressure from the part of a state and religious institutions is still quite strong. Nevertheless, nowadays, it is possible to speak about the dynamic development of the printing industry in the Gulf Arab region and it is necessary to underline that the most rapidly growing the printing industry is in the countries which attempt to cooperate with the international community and which contacts with western countries are more often and close.

It should be pointed out that such a country as Bahrain, for instance, is considered to be the regional leader in the printing industry and production. For instance, in 2005, 132 books were published by Bahrain authors that means that the industry progresses and, what is more important, the local producers can use the material of the local authors in the production. In such a way, it is really important that the local printing industry can develop on the basis of the woks of the local authors because it provides ample opportunities to the further growth since the intellectual property of the local authors is considerably cheaper compared to the intellectual property of foreign authors that printing companies use in Bahrain as well as in any other country. Practically, this means that the national companies do not have to deal with international publishing houses or translate the works of foreign authors if there are the analogical works created by the local authors. In such a way, the works of the local authors may be viewed as the basis for the further growth of the national printing industry.

It is worthy of mention that the similar trend is typical to other states situated in the region, to the extent that some of them are focused on the support of the local authors solely, while the foreign authors are practically deprived of the attention of the state. The latter, i.e. the attention or support of the state, is, by the way still important but, it is necessary to underline again that everything depends on a country. To put it more precisely, there are countries which tend to the liberalization of the national market and printing industry, such as the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, for instance, Bahrain, the UAE, and some others12. In fact, these countries attempt to reform their economy in order to transform it into the open market economy. In other words, they attempt to follow the example of western countries and borrow the experience in the transition of the local economies to the economies based on the principles of the open market. Naturally, these efforts to liberalize the local economy results in the decreasing influence of the government and its lower interference in the economic life of the country. In such a way, as the pressure from the part of a state decreases, the local companies operating in the printing industry receive larger opportunities to increase their production and, what is more important, they can increase the diversity of the production that is one of the major conditions of the further economic growth of the industry.

However, the Gulf Arab states are just on their way to the open market economy, while the local traditions and culture are very strong that leads to the presence of certain protectionism even in the most liberal economies of the region. At the same time, there remains such countries as Iran where the influence of the state still remains to be very strong. In such countries the state practically defines the development of the printing industry that, naturally, does not contribute to the normal development of the industry and, potentially, it may threaten to the future of the industry since the artificial regulation or interference of the state in the functioning of the industry is a real threat to its efficiency, fair competition and high quality of its products.

Moreover, the existing censorship is another serious problem for these states. In this respect, it should be pointed out that the role of religious institutions in this process is not less and sometimes even more significant than the role of the state. In fact, along with Iran, where censorship is quite widely spread and is enhanced by the state and religious institutions, even more liberal countries, such as the UAE or Saudi Arabia also tend to some censorship, though it should be pointed out that as a rule this censorship basically concerns religious aspects or political problems when the printing material is viewed as offensive or intolerant in relation to the local authorities13. Naturally, the degree of the censorship may vary depending on a country from more liberal like in Bahrain, where the level of censorship may be viewed as one of the lowest in the regions, to an extremely high level of censorship like in Iran, where this level is probably the highest in the entire region. In such a way, the printing media in the Gulf Arab states turns to be under the double pressure from the part of the state and religious institutions.

Nevertheless, the states of the region can hardly avoid the further integration in the world community or, at least, they can hardly ignore the influence of the new technologies that are widely implemented worldwide and, some which, by the way, may be viewed as a threat to the printing industry. For instance, the development of satellite television is growing to be more and more popular in the Gulf Arab states that may potentially decrease the audience consuming the products of the printing industry14. However, the local traditions are still quite strong and the productivity of the local authors, as the example of Bahrain shows, provide ample opportunities for the further development of the printing industry which become less biased, less controlled by the state and religious institutions and, what is even more important, it becomes more diverse and even nowadays the variety of topics are freely highlighted in the print media and products of the printing industry, while in the past, they were basically focused on the religious problems.

Conclusion 
Thus, it is possible to conclude that the current study has revealed the fact that the printing industry in the Gulf Arab states is steadily progressing and evolving. Naturally, the local traditions, culture and religious beliefs are still very important and produce a significant impact on the industry through the interference of state and religious institutions in the functioning of printing companies and the existence of censorship. Nevertheless, the progress and trend to the liberalization of the local printing industry is obvious that opens new perspectives to its further development.

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This is a free research paper on Printing Industry topic. Keep in mind that all free research project samples and research paper examples are taken from open sources – they are plagiarized and cannot be used as your own research project. If you need a qualitative custom research project on Printing Industry for college, university, Master's or PhD degree – you are welcome to contact professional research writing company to have your paper written online by academic research writers.
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Spain Research Paper

Introduction 

The Basque problem is one of the major challenges to the stability in Spain. Historically, Spanish authorities attempted to repress the separatist movement in the region. However, even the dictatorship of Franco did not prevent Basque population from the struggle for larger rights. The solution of the problem has not been found yet and, in recent years, both parties has started to look for the peaceful solution of this problem. It is necessary to underline that the major military power of separatist is the organization known as ETA. This organization was the major threat to the stability in Spain and probably the most powerful militarized clandestine organization which was constantly under the pressure from the part of Spanish officials. At the same time, members of ETA believe they are revolutionaries struggling for the independence of their country and better life of Basque people, while the Spanish authorities view them as terrorists and do not to fulfill their demands. In fact, ETA underlines that it protects the interests of the local population.

 

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The latter naturally supports separatists which are often viewed as national heroes of Basque people. Even the united efforts of Spanish and France failed in the struggle against ETA resulting in numerous arrests of its members. It is argued that this was quite severe response of the officials to the violent methods of struggle used by ETA. Nevertheless, the organization continues its clandestine activities and violent attacks. This is why the official authorities are forced to search for an adequate answer to killings and bombings organized by ETA.

Nevertheless, since March 2006 when ETA has announced the ‘permanent ceasefire’ both parties have been closer to the peaceful solution of the ‘Basque problem’ than ever before. However, this does not mean that the peaceful process in the region has ended forever. In stark contrast, it is necessary to carefully analyze the factors that contributed to the failure of the peaceful process after March 2006 in order to avoid these obstacles in the future and, eventually, establish peace in the region and normal relationships between Basque and Spanish people.

March 2006 ‘permanent ceasefire’ 
In fact, the ‘permanent ceasefire’, declared by ETA on 22 March 2006, was a logical continuation of the efforts of Spanish and Basque representatives to find a peaceful solution of the problem. It should be pointed out that it was the Spanish Socialist Party (PSEO) that was one of the major players in the peaceful process in the region. As for Basques, ETA was the major power in the region. Naturally, the peace is impossible without its participation. This militarized organization is traditionally characterized by extreme demands, such as independence of their country from Spain and larger rights for Basque population. ETA has a serious impact on the local population and, consequently, its position is crucial in the process of ceasefire.

In such a situation, the declaration about the ceasefire could be viewed as a really progressive step because it was a direct indication at the fact that ETA was ready for the peace talks and probably, the peaceful solution was really close. No wonder that many specialists believed that March 2006 was the major step to the final solution of the Basque problem and that the end to the military actions in Spain was close (Woolls).

Unfortunately, the ceasefire lasted for less than a year. The ‘permanent ceasefire’ ended with new violent attacks organized by ETA on 30 December 2006. These violent attacks marked the failure of the policy of Spanish authorities and efforts of ETA to find a peaceful solution of the Basque problem. In such a situation, many specialists believe that peaceful process in the region is under a great threat. However, it is always possible to find a non-violent way to solve any conflict (Woolls).

In spite of the failure of the ceasefire, this step symbolizes the readiness of ETA to peace talks. Consequently, the problem actually is whether the conflicting parties are really prepared to such a solution of the conflict. This means that the solution should be based on the agreement or consensus between ETA and Spanish authorities.

Permanent ceasefire as a reaction on Al-Qaeda bombings 
As the ceasefire failed, it became obvious that the conflicting parties are not ready to find a peaceful solution or come to an agreement to stop the conflict. In this respect, it should be said that the decision of ETA to announce ‘permanent ceasefire’ should be carefully analyzed since the reason for such a decision may be one of the major factors that actually led to its failure.

On analyzing the period when the decision of ETA concerning the ceasefire was announced, it is necessary to underline that just a couple weeks before its announcement, Spain suffered from the most terrible terror attack in its history. The notorious bombing of Madrid on 11 March 2006 has changed the entire country and affected dramatically the public opinion not only among Spanish people but also among Basques (Woolls). After these terror attacks, terrorism was perceived as the most serious evil the modern society had to cope with. In such a situation, ETA had to reevaluate its current methods of struggle since it was obvious that after such terrible terror attacks the organization would hardly gain public support if it continued its violent attacks on Spanish people.

Moreover, it is worthy of mention that, initially, it was ETA that, as the officials believed, was responsible for terror attacks in Madrid on March 11. Naturally, such allegations was a real threat to the popularity of ETA and its public support even among Basques, whose interests it actually protected. In such a situation, the continuation of the military struggle could be viewed as indirect evidence that ETA is at least partially responsible for that terror attack. In all probability, ETA’s decision to cease fire was just a hypocritical tactic move. Obviously, the organization was not going to stop the struggle because it preserved its weapon and refused from disarmament. At the same time, the declaration of the ceasefire demonstrated to ordinary people that ETA looks for peace that was particularly important after Madrid bombings. In other words, ETA wanted to take initiative to create the positive public image and undermine the position of Spanish authorities. The lack of efforts to establish peace in the region from the part of Spanish government could negatively influence its public image. In fact, people could believe that the government is unwilling to stop the military actions.

In such a context, the ceasefire process was just a great bluff from the part of ETA. Consequently, the peaceful solution of the Basque problem was practically impossible because ETA was not really ready to end its violent struggle. In such a context, it is possible to estimate that the ceasefire was doomed to failure from the first day ETA announced its decision about the ‘permanent ceasefire’.

Unilateral ceasefire
However, the assumption that the decision of ETA concerning the ceasefire was just a fraud, or a public relations trick, cannot be fully true. The reason is quite obvious since this was the unilateral ceasefire. This means that it was ETA that was the initiator of the ceasefire and by such a decision it actually offered its opponents to start or enhance the peace talks and find a peaceful solution of the current problems that actually nourished the conflict. It should be pointed out that ETA actually made the first step to end the violence in Spain and it was supposed that the official power would respond adequately to such a decision of the organization which was traditionally treated as ‘terrorist’ in Spain.

However, the unilateral ceasefire was not only the first step to the peace but, paradoxically, it was also another reason for the failure of the ‘permanent ceasefire’. The explanation of such a paradoxical situation is quite obvious. ETA declared the ceasefire and it would be logical that the officials would stop any operations or efforts targeting at the destruction of ETA but there was actually no adequate response from the part of Spanish officials.

ETA’s conditions of ongoing ceasefire
One of the major reasons why the officials practically rejected the efforts of ETA to end the violent conflict were the demands of ETA to Spain. In fact, the organization insisted on the necessity to release all members of ETA which were imprisoned by Spain and provide an opportunity for its members to return to their country from exile. This demands was really difficult to satisfy since the members of ETA that were imprisoned or exiled were treated by Spain as criminals since they were responsible for killings and terror attacks. Consequently, it was necessary to release criminals to continue the ceasefire. Naturally, if Spanish officials agreed, the public reaction on such a decision could be extremely controversial and, what is more, in all probability, this decision would encounter a strong public opposition.

Not less difficult to fulfill were many other demands of ETA. For instance, the recognition of the right for self-determination and territoriality was also quite arguable. Spain was not ready to fulfill this demand (Woolls). Neither it was ready to meet the economic demands of ETA, concerning the public and private property situated in the Basque region and belonging to Spanish. This is why the demands and conditions of ETA were a kind of a bomb that eventually exploded and ruined the ceasefire process.

The opposition to negotiations in Spain 
The demands of ETA was really difficult to fulfill not only because Spanish people were unprepared to them but basically because there was a strong opposition within Spanish ruling elite concerning the negotiations with ETA and the ways of the solution of the conflict. In fact, a considerably part of Spanish political parties, such as the People’s Party, were very skeptical about the ceasefire and peaceful efforts undertaken mainly by the Socialist Party of Spain. In fact, among the leading political forces of Spain, it was only the Socialist Party of Spain that insisted on the necessity to promote peace talks with ETA and find some peaceful solution that would be plausible for both parties involved in the conflict.

On the other hand, all the rest political parties of Spain had strong apprehensions concerning the sincerity of efforts to cease fire from the part of ETA. In fact, the majority of political parties of Spain stood and still stands on the ground that ETA is a terrorist organization and any negotiations with this force are unacceptable. Instead, they insist that it is necessary to increase the pressure and simply destroy the organization and send its leaders and active members who have committed crimes to prison.

It is worthy of mention that the apprehensions of many Spanish politicians concerning the sincerity of ETA efforts to cease fire was supported by the fact that the ‘permanent ceasefire’ did not imply the total disarmament of the organization. Instead, ETA continued to increase its military potential. For instance, the representatives of ETA declared that the organization will keep taking arms up until achieving independence and socialism in Basque country (Woolls).

In such a situation, it seems to be quite logical that this way of the peaceful process led to the dead end. In spite of the declarations concerning the ceasefire, there were practically no real steps undertaken from both sides. In actuality, it was possible to use the temporary ceasefire to enhance the peace talks and solve the problem without violence.

Prospects for the peaceful solution to the ‘Bask problem’ 
Thus, it is possible to conclude that the failure of the ceasefire is obviously very important and naturally it slows down the peaceful process considerably. Nevertheless, it is necessary to underline that the unilateral decision of ETA to cease fire is a very important sign that indicates to the real prospects for the peaceful solution to the ‘Basque problem’. Obviously, at the present moment neither party is ready to fully reject its old methods of struggle but still they attempt to find new more effective ways to solve the problem and the peaceful solution is the only really effective solution of the ‘Basque problem’.

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This is a free research paper on Spain topic. Keep in mind that all free research project samples and research paper examples are taken from open sources – they are plagiarized and cannot be used as your own research project. If you need a qualitative custom research project on Spain for college, university, Master's or PhD degree – you are welcome to contact professional research writing company to have your paper written online by academic research writers.
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Friday, July 27, 2012

Writing Research Papers for Money

Writing Research Papers for Money

Research paper is one of the most difficult written assignments for students of all levels of education. Teachers suppose a research paper will help students learn something new about the given topic and develop their writing skills. Students are expected to spend at least three hours a day at the library or in the Internet looking for useful data which will help them investigate the topic properly. Generally, every research paper includes a problem, a case, event and student has to investigate the reasons, the results of the problem, ways of its solution. All in all a student has to find as much information as possible to know everything about the topic, be like an expert in it. Moreover, having found many different sources on the topic, student will learn to analyze every source critically and realize its value.

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Tuesday, July 24, 2012

Computer Technology Research Paper

The contemporary era and the issue of computer technology in white collar/office setting

Abstract 

The fewer workers are engaged in material production of prosperous countries, the more people are needed for creating ideas, patents, scientific formulas, documents, letters, computer programs and hundreds of other production of this kind. This rise of bureaucratic, technical and administrative activity was evidently proved in many countries. Specialists, managers and administrators occupy higher positions, and have a stable and profitable work, unlike those, who do routine non-productive job. And in our contemporary era it became especially visible. So, the question is, whether it is right to consider “white collars” a new professional ruling class, and how the booming computer technologies affect the office-setting. It is what I am going to argue about in my research paper.

 

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First of all, it is important to mention, that labor conditions have notably simplified, which was accompanied by dequalification – skills, needed to do hard work remained in the past, and lost their meaning, because of new techniques with similar functions. Thus, development of computers made secretary functions – organizational, calculating and writing job – unnecessary. Harry Braverman claimed that requirements for white-collar labor on the whole, lowered so much, that in present days it is almost like physical labor. Groups, engaged in white-collar job, were thrown down into the working class, which enlarges on the account of non-productive occupations (Braverman H., 1974).

Of course, he exaggerated much, because in the course of time, it is necessary to raise qualification with the technological progress. Particularly, it relates to computerized activities. “White collars” are still more independent, than physical laborers.

The growth of “white collar workers” means that job became more abstract and less specific. Modern offices are based on a typical model, divided into fragments, repeated and boring. Even now, in major cases, office reorganization is nothing more than an attempt to make an office factory-like. Just like it is at the factory, office consists of low-qualified workers (people, doing endless routine job) and highly-qualified ones (scientists, engineers, managers and just businessmen).

Today office structure begins to move to the next step, and former hierarchy looses its meaning. Revolution in office setting is the result of unification of several forces. The matter is that the necessity in information increased too rapidly, and all the clerks, typists and secretaries would not cope with it, no matter how zealously they had been working. In addition, the cost of cleric job has catastrophically increased, although attempts are being made to control it. Office expenses have become 40-50% higher, and in many companies the preparation of one business letter costs 14-18 dollars, without taking into account implicit costs. Meanwhile the efficiency of offices became only 4% higher in last decade. In this regard, the development of computer technologies has obvious negative effect.

Taking into account the amount of operations, done by computer, its price became incredibly low. Alvin Toffler in his “Third Wave” wrote that the power of a computer has increased 10,000 times in last fifteen years, while the cost became 100,000 lower. The combination of high prices and stagnation of production on the on hand, and computer progress on the other, is appalling (Toffler, 1980).

What was the main reason for such a turn? First of all these are electronic devices (processor in the first place), which drastically changed the stream of information in the office and the structure of work all along. It is, however, only one of new technological devices, which are ready to enter to the world of “white collars”. It is a “paperless office” of the nearest future. In Washington, for example, a well-known firm “Micronet, Inc” gathered the equipment of 17 different producers in one office, where it was restricted to use paper. Any document, coming to the office, is microfilmed and then saved for computer reproduction. This office includes various kinds of equipment, and the purpose of such office is to get rid of errors in the card-index, quickly obtain data, reproduce and spread information in a moment, etc.

Let us take a simple correspondence. In a traditional office, administrator should call the secretary to send a letter. The first task is to write down administrator’s words, then, the text is checked for mistakes, typed and retyped several times. After it is ready, it must be copied and sent to the post office. Modern devices allow doing this work once at a time.

But this is not the only advantage of an automatized office. Another one lies in ability to keep great amounts of information, including dictionaries to correct writing mistakes. The speed of work increases, while its costs decrease. With the creation of electronic mail, the traditional post office is no longer needed. The major part of mailing takes place between organizations, that’s why a lot of companies choose more convenient and often more reliable electronic mail, which allowes messages to be sent immediately.

The level of occupation not only reflects technological progress. It doesn’t only rise or fall according to automatization. Difficulties on occupation market have drastically grown recently, and computer is not the only reason. It is obvious, that both office and factory have been suffering from revolutionary changes. A turn in the sector of “white collars” and in production will lead to absolutely new kind of production for the society, and it is a huge step forward for the whole humanity, although it may have complex consequences. It affects not only the level of occupation and industrial structure, but also the distribution of political and economic power, the number of working places, international distribution of labor, the role of women in economy, the nature of labor and the gap between producers and customers (Bikson, 1987). It will even influence such a simple fact, as the place of work. A lot of companies tend to reorganize office setting, automatizing it, or using virtual offices and agencies.

Time and money are the most important components of business life. And the revolution in office structure would probably save both. Both owners of home-offices and rulers of big corporations complain of time and money shortage. In order to diminish the influence of these factors, they invent different work schemes with the help of new technologies, which make work more profitable. As far as it is known, America was first to shift workers to different combinations of “work at home – work in the office”, in order to increase profitability. According to statistics, work at home appears to be fifteen percent more efficient during first three month. But till the end of the year it remains nearly the same as work in the office. That’s why it is suggested to combine work in the office and work at home. Home-office has a range of advantages. First of all it doesn’t require place occupancy. People, working at home are able to plan their own schedule, be dressed more casually, and what is more important, save time and money. Originally offices were created for employees to collaborate and communicate with each other and with customers, and get access to company data, while managers had an opportunity to control the working process. But with the technological progress, such office setting is of no need anymore. On the other hand, home workers are deprived of traditional office advantage – communication with colleagues. And it may be also inconvenient to attend meetings and conferences. In future, however, with further development of computer technologies, both of these problems will probably be solved.

As for the organization of working hours, there are five main variants: full time, compressed week, flexible working hours, part-time and telecommuting. The last variant is intended for people, aiming to work more productively. It was originally created for home-laborers. Generally, telecommuting can be called distance presence, or virtual work. This method of hours organization becomes more and more popular, and is also called flextime, work-at-home, remote work or telework. What factors influence modern crush on distance work? First of all, it is the prolonging of a business day to 24 hours, which helps to organize round-the-clock contact with international representatives, though these services are not needed every day.

Secondly, it means the increase of possibilities and cheapening of mobile communication means. Now, a person, equipped with a notebook and a cell phone, is able to do work wherever he is. Final factor is the development of computer technologies. Today, it is not a problem to put a home-computer, modem, video camera, use e-mail, Web, videoconferencing and organize a distance office. In this way people become self-sufficient and “white-collar” occupations move away to the past. In America many companies, having no opportunity to go into expense on agency opening in every notable city, tend to create virtual agencies. In this case, the representatives of the company get on-line orders from local clients and check their fulfillment. The products are delivered by post. One more type of renovated office is known as executive suite, which is suitable for small firms that want to avoid additional costs and staff employment.

Each company has its own patterns of work, which ensure effective fulfillment of working functions. Basically, in America a person, engaged in processing and analysis of information, works 1-3 days a week. In the course of time the possibility of absolute removal of traditional 8 working hours a day and traditional office setting becomes more and more real. It is likely to be substituted by different kinds of flexible working hours.

Time will show how people will move forward in this direction. Computerized office of future approaches humanity at a rapid speed. It is clearly seen, that we move very fast, offices change, along with the job of “white collars”, which, of course, is likely to bring social, psychological and economic consequences. Development of high technologies means not only new machinery, but also revolution in the structure of human interrelations and their roles in an office. At first it will substitute secretary’s function, later it will probably make printing unnecessary, and people will send voice messages. Some computer experts hope, that a secretary, for example, will be promoted to a more highly-paid job, while the administrator will partly do everyday printing work, until printing will be excluded, anyway.

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This is a free research paper on Computer Technology topic. Keep in mind that all free research project samples and research paper examples are taken from open sources – they are plagiarized and cannot be used as your own research project. If you need a qualitative custom research project on Computer Technology for college, university, Master's or PhD degree – you are welcome to contact professional research writing company to have your paper written online by academic research writers.
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Monday, July 23, 2012

Health and Weight Research Paper

Health and Weight Research Paper

The apparently fragmented state of scientific opinion about physical activity levels must also be seen in relation to other scientific debates. For example, considerable uncertainty exists concerning whether inactivity causes overweight and obesity or whether, conversely, (for whatever reason) overweight and obesity lead to lower levels of activity, as Hill and Melanson suggested (516). Perhaps even more importantly, because the precise relationship between physical activity and health remains poorly understood, conclusions about the health effects of long-term physical activity trends (whether they are going up or down) would seem even more speculative.

 

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In this context it is interesting to note the way some obesity scientists have both blamed alleged decreases in physical education for the ‘obesity epidemic’ as well as seeing physical education as a potential cure (Booth et al 372; Hill 518). There is also now a small literature consisting of studies, which have tried to measure the amount of physical activity children do in physical education classes. Leaving to one side those studies that have been part of intervention programs explicitly designed to increase physical activity, the findings of these studies have been reasonably consistent, as for McKenzie and Marshall (253). In general, physical education lessons are found not to provide children with the amounts and kinds of physical activity that scientists deem sufficient to enhance health (bearing in mind that we have no data to determine what these amounts and kinds might be).

On the other hand, these studies report a wide range in the frequency, duration and intensity of physical activity during physical education lessons. Some children, according to McKenzie and Feldman (187), apparently get large amounts of physical education; boys and children from more affluent families appear to derive more opportunities for physical activity than other children.

We have no data from earlier periods of history, which would help us to make a comparison between physical education classes of different eras. Furthermore, some contemporary data suggests that children tend to derive the bulk of their recreational physical activity outside of school time (Booth et al 373). So despite reports that some (but by no means all) schools are devoting less time to physical education, it is not at all clear what the implication of this is. It is hard to see how the small amounts of physical activity that appear to happen during classes might affect average body weights one way or the other, a point that applies equally to individual students as it does to national populations.

In addition, the preoccupation of scientific researchers with measuring the time children spend walking, running and sitting down during physical education may be counterproductive. If the purpose of physical education is to encourage lifelong participation in physical activity, then it is not difficult to see how highly physically demanding classes, particularly those that focus on fitness, might have the opposite affect to the one desired. For example, Hopple and Graham (410) proved that when it focuses on physical fitness and activity for activity’s sake, children are much less likely to enjoy physical education.

To put the point simply, it is possible that many children do not view the issue of childhood fitness with quite the same urgency as some adults and will resent these anxieties being visited upon them. This may be particularly true for those students whom scientific researchers see as needing to do more physical activity. What is telling about obesity science’s sudden interest in physical education is that it seldom acknowledges that others have been researching the subject for some time and may have useful things to contribute about children and physical activity.

Twenty years of sustained physical education scholarship has contributed to sophisticated curricula and programs that aim to develop skills, knowledge and attitudes to help students enjoy a wide range of recreational and sporting activities during and beyond school. However, in the context of an ‘obesity epidemic’, where principals, teachers, parents, health promoters, doctors and scientists see children’s body weight as the primary health concern, physical education is often reduced to the most efficient and rudimentary means of burning energy. For example, some obesity scientists like McKenzie and Marshall (256) really do claim that good quality physical education experiences are ones in which children burn lots of calories, an idea that surely derives from the vision of the body as a machine, rather than a serious consideration with the social, cultural and emotional lives of children.

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This is a free research paper on Health and Weight topic. Keep in mind that all free research project samples and research paper examples are taken from open sources – they are plagiarized and cannot be used as your own research project. If you need a qualitative custom research project on Health and Weight for college, university, Master's or PhD degree – you are welcome to contact professional research writing company to have your paper written online by academic research writers.
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Strategic Human Resource Management Research Paper

Strategic Human Resource Management in the New Global Economy

Abstract 

The paper focuses on the development of strategic human resource management in the context of economic globalization. The analysis of the current situation reveals the fact that globalization is the mainstream trend of the modern economy that affects strategic human resource management dramatically. In such a situation, strategic human resource management has to overcome numerous barriers created by globalization, including global network instability, multiplicity of network units, discontinuities in internal organizational support, and others. On analyzing the problem, the conclusion about the necessity of the development of the helpful strategies is made.

 

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Introduction 
The modern economy is characterized by the profound changes that are actually known as the process of globalization. In fact, globalization is the mainstream trend of the modern economy which affects all industries and practically all companies operating in the world market regardless the country they represent. Moreover, the process of globalization gradually eliminates national borders to the extent that the companies rather tend to operate worldwide developing its network throughout different countries of the world than to focus on a particular national market.

Naturally, the process of globalization and the changing basic economic trends cannot fail to affect the managerial style and strategy. In this respect, strategic human resource management seems to be particularly significant and exposed to the impact of the process of globalization. Obviously, human resource management is also affected by the general trends of the modern economy. This is why it is necessary to carefully analyze the current economic processes and its effects on strategic human resource management. In this respect, it is extremely important to discuss the major barriers the process of globalization exposes on strategic human resource management and clearly define the basic competences strategic human resource management needs in the context of the process of globalization.

The current situation and trends in strategic human resource management and world economy 
On analyzing the current situation in strategic human resource management, it is primarily necessary to point out that the current development of human resource management is determined by the major economic trends, among which the process of globalization is of a paramount importance. It should be said that the modern economy stimulates the growing cooperation between different countries, international trade and, naturally, close integration of all units of companies operating worldwide. In fact, the process of globalization implies the development of international business links and cooperation. At the same time, globalization leads to the rapid development of multinational corporations and companies that operates in the international market.

Obviously, nowadays, multinational corporations play the dominant role in the world economy. Moreover, it is even possible to estimate that the expansion of a company in the international market is not just a question of increasing its profitability or market value, but it is rather a question of its survival in the new economic conditions1. This is actually what the process of globalization leads to. Naturally, companies cannot ignore this trend and are forced to reevaluate and change their strategy.

However, in the situation of the growing internalization or globalization of business, it is evident that strategic human resource management should operate in a new environment and deal with new problems which were not typical for nationally oriented companies in the past. In this respect, it should be said that the process of globalization contributes to the growing difficulties related to various spheres of human resource management. In fact, strategic human resource management should deal with the cultural problem since companies operating worldwide have to constantly develop universal standards of their work and quality of services that could be identical in all parts of the world2. This means that employees of multinational companies should have a common organizational culture which could not contradict to their national culture, norms and traditions.

Furthermore, it is also necessary to point out that the integration and cooperation between different units of multinational companies in different parts of the world is also very important to strategic human resource management since people working in different countries have different mentality, style of work and, thus, needs unique approaches in human resource management3. Naturally, one of the major objectives of strategic human resource management in the context of globalization is to minimize such difference and close the gap between units operating in different parts of the world.

On the other hand, globalization also opens new perspectives to strategic human resource management. In this respect, it should be said that often the employment of personnel from different countries of the world may have a positive effect on the financial position of a company since it may substantially decrease its expenditures due to the different level of wages in different parts of the world. For instance, the cost of labor force in developing countries is considerably lower compared to the most developed countries of the world, such as the US or EU. No wonder, in such a situation, many leading companies, including those that operate in highly technological domains, tend to employ personnel in developing countries, while the development of new technologies provide companies with an opportunity to ignore geographical barriers and fully benefit from the effective cooperation and mutual work of employees which may actually work in different countries of the world. For instance, many Western companies employ IT specialists from Asian countries, such as India, which work in cooperation with local specialists remaining in their own countries4. In such a way, companies can develop international projects involving specialists from different countries of the world which may fully coordinate their work with the help of new technologies even without physical meeting and communication, using instead virtual communication.

Barriers exposed by globalization to strategic human resource management 
Nevertheless, the benefits of globalization to strategic human resource management would hardly be effective if the existing problems and barriers are not clearly defined and overcome. Obviously, globalization brings a lot of new problems and creates a number of barriers on the way to the development of really effective human resource management. In this respect, it is possible to mention the multiplicity of a company’s units as one of the major barriers exposed by globalization to strategic human resource management. Basically, many companies have the multitude of global network units which work should be constantly coordinated. In such a situation, it is extremely important to a human resource manager to constantly count and prioritize in selecting actual collaborating units. In actuality, this requires the shift of human resource management selection criteria for personnel as well as practices as the company’s strategic orientation changes5. This means that a human resource manager needs to develop an informed sense of which unit’s human resource management system is the most compatible with the strategic objectives of the company.

Furthermore, there also exists the problem of multi-dimensionality of strategic human resource leadership task. In fact, in the current situation, human resource managers should deal with a variety of multiple interdisciplinary dimensions. In other words, they need to have a profound knowledge and skills in technical, legal, economic, political dimensions which may vary considerably depending on the country. Consequently, the process of globalization exposes extremely high demands to professional competency of human resource manager which should be applied effectively in different dimension and in a possibly shorter time6 obviously, the effective work of a company is unimaginable without the rapid realization of effective human resource strategies in all units of a company. However, the latter is impossible without a profound knowledge of various dimensions mentioned above. Obviously, this problem is closely related to the problem of multi-skill leadership demands for strategic human resource management in the conditions of globalization. Basically, modern multinational companies require that strategic human resource manager was characterized by flexible skills, abilities and knowledge that could go beyond those of the traditional hierarchical human resource management7. In fact, a human resource management should be able to assess the current trends and effectiveness of different units of a multinational company and be able to apply the most effective strategy to all units in a short period of time in order to increase the effectiveness of human resource management within the entire company.

At the same time, it is also necessary to remember about the global network instability. This means that a company operating worldwide needs to fully coordinate the work of all its units in different parts of the world and make it really effective. Naturally, it is quite difficult to fulfill this goal in the situation when the company units operate in different countries of the world. As a result, human resource managers have to bridge the gaps of incomplete knowledge or goal conflicts in the company’s network about human resource management flexibility8. This means that effective strategic human resource management should be able rapidly applied in all units of the company. In other words, human resource management should react on the changing situation and apply the most effective strategies in all units, increasing effective cooperation between them, increasing the cooperation and sharing of knowledge and effective methods of work between the units.

Also, globalization exposes strategic human resource management to the problem of discontinuities in internal organizational support. In this respect, it should be said that specialists9 underline that the success of human resource management systems in the global market requires prior attainment of internal organizational resource coordination and top-level management support. Practically, this means that the general success of strategic human resource management depends on the effective coalition-building environment within the company that increases human resource management flexibility on all levels.

Conclusion: competences needed for strategic human resource management 
Thus, taking into account all above mentioned, it is possible to conclude that the process of globalization exposes a number of problems that a human resource manager needs to overcome. In this respect, it is extremely important to develop competencies which could be really helpful in overcoming the existing barriers and problems. Basically, specialists10 provide the following recommendations to effective strategic human resource management in the new conditions of the globalization. First of all, a human resource manager needs to possess skills and abilities to be able to control and regulate the functioning of the international network of the company by means of reaching agreement and mutual understanding with all employees, effective conflict management, implementing innovative management. Also, it is important to develop skills and abilities to promote the managerial competence in the field of creative human resource allocations. A human resource manager should be able to choose the most effective strategy and negotiate with other employees and his/her colleagues in order to build up effective relationships within multinational organization. Furthermore, it is necessary to develop and promote common set of values, principles of work and strategies that would be accepted by the company’s personnel. In such a way, it will be possible to reach cohesion of the functioning of the entire company and all its units. In this respect, a human resource manager should pay a particular attention to strategic rationalization that can help to unite the organization and make employees feel as if they are a member of one team. Naturally, a human resource manager should be a successful leader in order to meet the major objectives of his/her work in the new conditions of work when globalization defines the strategy and policy of a human resource manager. Finally, it is extremely important to develop universal competences that could be applied in different fields. In such a human resource manager will easily cope with the specific problems of each unit within the network.

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